Թուրքիայի սուտը: Ռեզա շահը պաշտոնականացրել է պարսկերենը և պարտադրել Իրանին!
Original Հասցեների
این سخن پوچ نیز دنباله ادعای پوچ پیشینه است. زبان فارسی همیشه زبان اول و رسمی دربار سامانیان و صفاریان و غزنویان و شدادیان و اتابکان مراغه و آذربایجان و خوارزمشاهیان و سلجوقیان و ایلخانیان و قاجار و ده ها سلسله ایرانیتبار و ترکتبار حاکم بر ایران بود. تنها در زمان صفویه با اینکه زبان دربار ترکی بود باز زبان فارسی زبان کتبی و رسمی کشور بود و سکهها و کتابها و مدارک تاریخی به این زبان هستند. حتی این زبان همانطور که همه میدانند زبان رسمی آنوتولی در دوران سلجوقیان و حتی دوران آغازی عثمانیان نیز بود. و سلسلههای تیموریان و مغولان هند هم این زبان را زبان رسمی سرزمین خود داشتند. با وجود اینکه در دوران تیموریان ترکی جغتای قوت گرفت ولی هرگز نتوانست همپای زبان پارسی به رسمیت شناخته شود و کم کم آن زبان به فراموشی سپرده شد چنانکه امروز ترکی جغتایی یک زبان مرده حساب میشود. همانطور که ترکی عثمانی (تنها زبان رسمی مهم دیگر ترکی) نیز امروز یک زبان مرده حساب میشود و البته مرده شدن آن زبان تقصیر سیاستهای اتاترک است که در آخر این مقاله دربارهی آن خواهیم خواند.
Առնոլդ Ջ. Թոյնբի, A Study of History,V, pp. 514-515)
In the Iranic world, before it began to succumb to the process of Westernization, the New Persian language, which had been fashioned into literary form in mighty works of art…gained a currency as a lingua franca; and at its widest, about the turn of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries of the Christian Era, its range in this role extended, without a break, across the face of South-Eastern Europe and South-Western Asia from the Ottoman pashalyq of Buda, which had been erected out of the wreckage of the Western Christian Kingdom of Hungary after the Ottoman victory at Mohacz in A.D. 1526, to the Muslim «successor-states» which had been carved, after the victory of the Deccanese Muslim princes at Talikota in A.D. 1565, out of the carcass of the slaughtered Hindu Empire of Vijayanagar. For this vast cultural empire the New Persian language was indebted to the arms of Turkish-speaking empire-builders, reared in the Iranic tradition and therefore captivated by the spell of the New Persian literature, whose military and political destiny it had been to provide one universal state for Orthodox Christendom in the shape of the Ottoman Empire and another for the Hindu World in the shape of the Timurid Mughal Raj. These two universal states of Iranic construction on Orthodox Christian and on Hindu ground were duly annexed, in accordance with their builders’ own cultural affinities, to the original domain of the New Persian language in the homelands of the Iranic Civilization on the Iranian plateau and in the Basin of the Oxus and the Jaxartes; and in the heyday of the Mughal, Safawi, and Ottoman regimes New Persian was being patronized as the language of litterae humaniores by the ruling element over the whole of this huge realm, while it was also being employed as the official language of administration in those two-thirds of its realm that lay within the Safawi and the Mughal frontiers.
John Perry, THE HISTORICAL ROLE OF TURKISH IN RELATION TO PERSIAN OF IRAN in Iran & the Caucasus, Թռիչք. 5 (2001), pp. 193-200. excerpt: “We should distinguish two complementary ways in which the advent of the Turks affected the language map of Iran. First, since the Turkish-speaking rulers of most Iranian polities from the Ghaznavids and Seljuks onward were already iranized and patronized Persian literature in their domains, the expansion of Turk-ruled empires served to expand the territorial domain of written Persian into the conquered areas, notably Anatolia and Central and South Asia. Secondly, the influx of massive Turkish-speaking populations (culminating with the rank and file of the Mongol armies) and their settlement in large areas of Iran (particularly in Azerbaijan and the northwest), progressively turkicized local speakers of Persian, Kurdish and other Iranian languages. Although it is mainly the results of this latter process which will be illustrated here, it should be remembered that these developments were contemporaneous and complementary. “
Grousset, Rene, The Empire of the Steppes, (Rutgers University Press, 1991), 161,164; «..renewed the Seljuk attempt to found a great Turko-Persian empire in eastern Iran..», «It is to be noted that the Seljuks, those Turkomans who became sultans of Persia, did not Turkify Persia-no doubt because they did not wish to do so. On the contrary, it was they who voluntarily became Persians and who, in the manner of the great old Sassanid kings, strove to protect the Iranian populations from the plundering of Ghuzz bands and save Iranian culture from the Turkoman menace.»
Սթիվեն Պ. Բլեյք, “Shahjahanabad: The Sovereign City in Mughal India, 1639-1739”. Cambridge University Press, 1991. pg 123:
“For the Seljuks and Il-Khanids in Iran it was the rulers rather than the conquered who were “Persianized and Islamicized”.
Roemer, H. Ռ. (1986). “The Safavid Period”. The Cambridge History of Iran, Թռիչք. 6: The Timurid and Safavid Periods. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp. 189–350. ISBN 0521200946. Excerpt from Page 331:”Depressing though the condition in the country may have been at the time of the fall of Safavids, they cannot be allowed to overshadow the achievements of the dynasty, which was in many respects to prove essential factors in the development of Persia in modern times. These include the maintenance of Persian as the official language and of the present-day boundaries of the country, adherence to the Twelever Shi’i, the monarchical system, the planning and architectural features of the urban centers, the centralised administration of the state, the alliance of the Shi’i Ulama with the merchant bazaars, and the symbiosis of the Persian-speaking population with important non-Persian, especially Turkish speaking minorities”
اما در رابطه با زبان فارسی و به قانون رسمی شدن آن در کشور ایران باید به قانون مشروطه اشاره کرد. متن مشروطه و تمامی اسناد مشروطه به زبان پارسی است.
دکتر ماشاءالله آجودانی در کتاب ارزشمندش “یا مرگ با تجدد” با آوردن فهرستی از این روزنامه ها چون “کاغذ اخبار”، “وقایع اتفاقیه”، “روزنامه دولت علیه ایران”، “روزنامه ملتی”، “روزنامه دولت ایران”، “وقایع عدلیه”، “نظامی”، “مریخ”، شرف”، “تربیت”، “تبریز” بزیبائی و شیوائی ویژه خود نشان داده است که زبان فراگیر و “ملی” در آن سالها چیزی جز پارسی نمی بوده است. او همچنین نمونه ارزشمندی نیز به این بررسی می افزاید که قبیله گرایان را چندان خوش نخواهد آمد، سخن از گزارش محمد امین رسولزاده، نخستین رئیس جمهوری آذربایجان است که می نویسد: « در اینجا [ارومیه]نمی توانید غیر از چند مشترک حبل المتین روزنامه خوان دیگری پیدا بکنید. روزنامه های ترکی قفقاز نیز در اینجا خریدار و خواننده ندارند. اصلا در اینجا ترکی خواندن متداول نیست. اگرچه همه ترک هستند ولی ترکی نمی خوانند. همه جای آذربایجان چنین است. حتی چنان تیپهائی وجود دارند که این حال را برای قفقاز نیز پیشنهاد می کنند و خیال می بافند که باید همه عالم اسلام زبان فارسی یاد بگیرند و به فارسی بخوانند. … در عرض پانزده روزی که در ارومیه بودم هرچه جستجو کردم بلکه یک نفر خریدار روزنامه ترکی پیدا کنم ممکن نگردید» یا مرگ با تجدد، م. آجودانی، ص. 222 تا 225
همچنین دو سند ضدایرانی به وضوح نشان میدهند که زبان رسمی در ایران در دوران قاجار و انقلاب مشروطه تصویب شد و نه در دوران رضاشاه:
In the book “The Kurds: Culture and Language Rights” we read:
“The first constitution of Iran, adopted in 1906, by the Qajar dynasty (1779-1925), proclaimed that Persian was the official language of the multilingual country, although it was not until the Pahlavi dynasty came to power in 1925 that the central government was able to implement this stipulation effectively.
Մեջ 1923, Government offices were instructed to use Persian in all written and oral communications. A Circular sent by the Central Office of Education of Azerbaijan province to the education offices of the region, including that of the Kurdish city of Mahabad, provided that:”On orders of the Prime Minister it has been prescribed to introduce the Persian language in all provinces especially in schools. You may therefore notify all the schools under your jurisdiction to fully abide by this and conduct all their affairs in Persian language..and the members of your office must follow the same while talking’’(Kerim Yildiz, Georgina Fryer, Kurdish Human Rights Project, ‘’The Kurds: Culture and Language Rights’’, Kurdish Human Rights Project, 2004, pg 72)
چنانکه دیده میشود در این کتاب به طور واضح میگوید که در انقلاب مشروطه زبان فارسی زبان رسمی کشور تصویب میشود. همچنین همانطور که یادآوری شد تمامی اسناد مشروطه به زبان فارسی میباشند. خود منشور انقلاب مشروطه باز به زبان فارسی نوشته شده است و نه هیچ زبانی دیگر و در آن دوران به هیچ زبان دیگری نیز ترجمه نشده است. یک سند بیگانه دیگر در این مورد:
Professor Tasduez Swietchowski, a relative pro-Azerbaijan republic writes:
“The crisis in Iran came to a head in December 1905, when the Russian Revolution had already crested. A long series of disturbances, including the bast, an act of taking sanctuary, in this case on the grounds of the British legation, forced the Shah, Muzaffar al-Din (1896-1907), to yield to popular demands, much as Nicholas II had to do in Russia: on August 5, 1906, he signed a law proclaiming a constitution under which the Majlis (parliament) was to be elected on the basis of a restricted franchise that benefited primarily the interests of the clergy and the bazaar merchants. The constitution included the provision that made Persian the official language, an acknowledgement of the historical rivalry of Persian and Turkic elements and a departure from the long tradition of their symbiosis in Iran.” ( Tadeusz Swietochowski. Russia and Azerbaijan: A Borderland in Transition. էջ 29. ISBN: 0231070683)
در این کتاب که نویسنده آن در نشستهای پانترکیستی نیز شرکت میکند به طور واضح و روشن میگوید که در انقلاب مشروطه زبان فارسی زبان رسمی کشور به طور رسمی قانونی میشود.
بنابراین رسمی بودن زبان فارسی هم در دوران مشروطه و هم در دوران انقلاب اسلامی یک امر مردمی است و از طریق مجلس مردمی این زبان به طور قانونی نیز رسمی میشود. منشور انقلاب مشروطه نیز تنها به زبان فارسی است و در انقلاب مشروطه هیچ جا به زبان دیگری اشاره نشده است و همه جا از ملت ایران سخن رفته است.
بنابراین دروغی که رضاشاه زبان فارسی را زبان رسمی کشور کردهاست! یک دروغ است. زبان فارسی همیشه جایگاه ویژهای در ایران داشته است. همین نکته بس که در مقبره الشعراء تبریز بجز شهریار تمامی شاعران دیگر پارسیگو هستند و اغلب البته پیش از دوران ترکزبان شدن آذربایجان در آن مکان بودند (کسانی مانند اسدی طوسی و قطران تبریزی و همام تبریزی و خاقانی و غیره که ترکزبان نیز نبودند).
Indeed according to the same author:
“The hold on of Persian as the chief literary language in (caucasus) Azerbaijan was broken, followed by rejection of classical Azerbaijani, an artificially heavily Iranized idiom that had long been in use along with Persian, though in a secondary position’’( T. Swietochowski, Russian Azerbaijan, 1905-1920: The Shaping of National Identity. in a Muslim Community, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), pp 26 )
Thus it was natural for Persian, which had the oldest continous tradition and most expansive literature to become an official language of Iran in 1906. Classical Azerbaijani also was never on equal terms with Persian during the Qajar era. It should be noted that Persian was the standard language of education in Iran during the Qajar era. For example in the autobiography of Ayatollah Mohammad Hosayn Tabataba’I, himself from Tabriz, we read:
“The present writer, Mohammad Hosayn Tabataba’i was born into a family of scholars in Tabriz in 1271 A.H. solar/1892 A.D. I lost my mother when I was five years old, and my father when I was nine. To provide for our support, our gaurdian (the executor of my father’s estate) placed my one younger brother and myself in the care of a servant and maidservant. Shorly after our father’s death, we were sent to primary school, and then, in time, to secondary school. Eventually, our schooling was entrusted to a tutor who made home visits; in this way we studied Farsi and primary subjects for six years”
There was in those days no set program for primary studies. I remember that, over the period from 1290/1911 to 1296/1917, I studied the Noble Qur’an, which normally was taught before all else, Sa’adi’s Golestan and Bustan, the Illustrated Nesab and Akhlaq, the Anvar-e Sohayli, the Tarikh-e Mo’jam, the writing of Amir-e- Nezami, and the Irshad al-Hisab.” (Allameh Sayyed Mohammad Hosayn Tabataba’I, “Islamic Teachings an Overview”, Translated by R. Campbell, Printed and bound in Beirut –Lebanon, Second Prining: 1991)
